Mubashar Rizvi reflects on the Nuclear Responsibilities Approach through an exploration of two domestic legislative instruments through which Pakistan derives some of its nuclear responsibilities.

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Mubashar Rizvi reflects on the Nuclear Responsibilities Approach through an exploration of two domestic legislative instruments through which Pakistan derives some of its nuclear responsibilities.
Ali Mustafa discusses how the Nuclear Responsibilities framework is a welcome addition to the nuclear discourse in Pakistan – however, meaningful future engagement on responsibilities requires understanding Pakistani sensibilities.
In this piece, Muhammad Shareh Qazi discusses how Nuclear Responsibilities can help strengthening global nuclear risk reduction.
Shaza Arif discusses how BASIC-ICCS Responsibilities Framework opens a new way to consider nuclear responsibilities, and is a relevant contribution to the literature in broadening the debate about nuclear responsibilities or any related subject (ie, cyber, AI) that needs in-depth discussion, collaboration and even conflict management.
Syed Ali Zia Jaffery, Deputy Director at CSSPR, writes on how leaders of nuclear states can better communicate nuclear responsibilities and their fulfilment to multiple audiences across the globe.
On March 1st, 2023, BASIC-ICCS hosted a Nuclear Responsibilities dialogue in Hanoi. The dialogue had substantive and meaningful outcomes, due in no small part to our diverse participant list, which included a large number of women (proportionally, more women than men)
Mubashar Rizvi reflects on the Nuclear Responsibilities Approach through an exploration of two domestic legislative instruments through which Pakistan derives some of its nuclear responsibilities.
Ali Mustafa discusses how the Nuclear Responsibilities framework is a welcome addition to the nuclear discourse in Pakistan – however, meaningful future engagement on responsibilities requires understanding Pakistani sensibilities.
In this piece, Muhammad Shareh Qazi discusses how Nuclear Responsibilities can help strengthening global nuclear risk reduction.
Shaza Arif discusses how BASIC-ICCS Responsibilities Framework opens a new way to consider nuclear responsibilities, and is a relevant contribution to the literature in broadening the debate about nuclear responsibilities or any related subject (ie, cyber, AI) that needs in-depth discussion, collaboration and even conflict management.
Syed Ali Zia Jaffery, Deputy Director at CSSPR, writes on how leaders of nuclear states can better communicate nuclear responsibilities and their fulfilment to multiple audiences across the globe.
On March 1st, 2023, BASIC-ICCS hosted a Nuclear Responsibilities dialogue in Hanoi. The dialogue had substantive and meaningful outcomes, due in no small part to our diverse participant list, which included a large number of women (proportionally, more women than men)
On 25th October 2022, BASIC and ICCS hosted ‘Nuclear Responsibilities at Sea,’ an online roundtable with young professionals and experts to explore policy recommendations for maritime risk reduction in the Asia Pacific.
Trident patrols are now regularly five months long, up from just two months during the Cold War. What might the implications be for those serving aboard?
In the last of our series on nuclear responsibilities in the Asia-Pacific, Ruhee Neog highlights the centrality of making the linguistic move from claims to be acting as a ‘responsible nuclear state’ to the responsibilities in practice that follow from possessing nuclear weapons.
Putin’s apparent willingness to introduce nuclear weapons in a non-nuclear war is a watershed moment with implications beyond Europe and the West. In this article, Rishi Paul looks to Russia’s recent behaviour as a lens to understand what the future might hold in store, and draw out the potential implications for international security.
Chris Spedding argues that developing and testing autonomous nuclear-propulsion reactors for aerial or subsea munitions will lead to a real risk of radiological exposure and contamination, with lethal consequences.
In the fourth of our series on the nuclear responsibilities approach in the Asia-Pacific, Kanica Rakhra explores what makes states act responsibly in nuclear crises and how this has to be balanced against the need to ensure credible deterrence.
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The UK’s continued possession of Trident is not assured. The programme faces running over far budget with knock-on effects to other areas of the budget, multiple emerging technological threats such as cyber weapons, and political risks including Scottish devolution. Each of these factors underlines the need for reasoned, respectful and open-minded debate on the future of the UK’s possession of nuclear weapons, and a willingness to explore alternative pathways to maintain British national security.
Clare Duncanson and Catherine Eschle provide a feminist critique of the UK’s Integrated Review.
The Integrated Review
In just 76 words highlighted below across three statements in the nuclear deterrent section of the 2021 Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy (IR), the UK government reversed its policy of gradual reduction of the variety, number and salience of its nuclear weapons in place through successive governments since the end of the Cold War.
British diplomats now will be in the dog house, and have a tough time ahead of them.
This report draws upon a mixture of publicly available data and estimates in order to outline both the current operating costs of the Trident nuclear weapon system, as well as the estimated costs of the current plans to renew the UK’s nuclear arsenal.
Despite strong rhetorical support on part of the government for Continuous At-Sea Deterrence (CASD), a real risk exists that CASD could be interrupted in the early 2030s.
BASIC’s new report illustrates in clear detail the cost risk of Trident renewal to the UK’s Defence budget; Dreadnought’s through life costs are likely to be between £110-114bn.
This paper reviews the growing potential for cyber-attack on the UK’s operational fleet of Vanguard-class submarines armed with nuclear-tipped Trident II D-5 ballistic missiles, and some of the implications for strategic stability.
The UK Government has inhibited the International Court of Justice (ICJ) from ruling on cases about nuclear weapons or nuclear disarmament, including if it uses Trident against another country.
BASIC believes in making progress on nuclear disarmament, arms control, and non-proliferation through multiple complementary approaches. We continuously develop our programmes – streams of research – through sustained engagement with a wide range of stakeholders, collectively searching for the art of the possible.
Our current programmes are listed below. Browse our current programmes page by clicking here.
BASIC believes in making progress on nuclear disarmament, arms control, and non-proliferation through multiple complementary approaches. We continuously develop our programmes – streams of research – through sustained engagement with a wide range of stakeholders, collectively searching for the art of the possible.
Our archive programmes are listed below. Browse our archive programmes page by clicking here.