The recent coup attempt in Turkey raises a number of highly troubling questions, not least of which regarding the ongoing security situation surrounding 50-some US B61 nuclear gravity bombs held at Incirlik Air Base.

Consultant
Ted Seay is an independent arms control and disarmament consultant currently based in London. He was assigned to the U.S. Mission to NATO as a Political-Military Affairs officer, with responsibility for arms control, disarmament, nonproliferation and missile defense matters, from September 2008 to September 2011. Before his assignment to USNATO, Mr. Seay was seconded to the Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies in Vienna, Austria, as Senior Assistant for Policy Affairs, from mid-2005 through August 2008.
Prior to his posting in Vienna, Mr. Seay served as Counselor for Political and Economic Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Suva, Fiji (2001-2005), and as Political section chief at the U.S. Embassy in Ljubljana, Slovenia (1998-2001), where he served as liaison to the Slovene International Trust Fund for Demining and Mine Victims’ Assistance.
Previously Mr. Seay served in EUR/RPM (1996-1998), where he negotiated compliance on the military annex to the Dayton Peace Accords with the former Bosnian warring parties; PM/SPN (1994-1996), where he helped draft the Dayton military annex; U.S. Embassy Kingston, Jamaica (1991-1994), where he served as Labor Attaché and liaison to the Jamaican workforce at Guantánamo Bay Naval Base; the State Department Operations Center (1990-1991) during Operations DESERT SHIELD and DESERT STORM; U.S. Consulate General Melbourne, Australia (1988-1990); and U.S. Embassy Mexico City (1986 – 1987). He joined the Foreign Service in August 1985.
Mr. Seay holds an A.B. degree in Political Science from the University of California at Berkeley and an M.S. in Strategic Intelligence from the Joint Military Intelligence College. He has been published in Wisden Cricket Monthly, Gridiron Monthly, and Arms Control Today.
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The recent coup attempt in Turkey raises a number of highly troubling questions, not least of which regarding the ongoing security situation surrounding 50-some US B61 nuclear gravity bombs held at Incirlik Air Base.
The British general election has come and gone, the UK has once again been humiliated at the Eurovision song contest, the May bank holiday is behind us, and all appears ready for another dreary summer.
London’s International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS; what – you haven’t applied for membership yet?) recently published their annual review of world affairs, Strategic Survey 2013. In its chapter on strategic policy issues, the Survey covers an important topic, the complex nuclear arms race underway in South Asia among India, Pakistan and China.
BASIC has had a lot to say over the years about U.S. theater nuclear weapons (TNW) in Europe. (I will repeat here, ad nauseam for some, that it is a grave mistake to call such weapons ‘tactical’; any deliberate nuclear explosion must have strategic consequences. ‘Theater’, meanwhile, simply denotes their basing posture and connotes their intended use, from within a military theater of operations.)
The mid-August publication of the National Institute for Public Policy’s Minimum Deterrence: Examining the Evidence has re-invigorated the debate on America’s nuclear policy and on the concept of nuclear deterrence in general: Does it make sense in the 21st century? Can a ‘Deterrence Lite’ policy, hereafter called ‘Minimum Deterrence’ (MD), really work?
The year 2013 has not been an easy one for President Barack Obama. A formerly friendly media has started to ask hard questions, his supporters on the left accuse him of following the policy pathways of George W. Bush, and the right excoriates him for, well, living.
The recent publication of Nuclear Policy Paper No. 14, Countdown to Chaos?, marks the completion of a series of cooperative reports by BASIC, the Arms Control Association (ACA) and the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg (IFSH) on NATO’s nuclear weapons and their future.
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