27 February 2003
Time for a Nuclear Weapons-Free
Zone in Europe?
By Nigel Chamberlain
Secretary General George Robertson never tires of saying,
‘NATO is transforming’. Truly, change is underway, but is the
Alliance really undergoing a complete process of transformation?
Having recently announced his retirement for December 2003, it would
seem timely to reflect on his term of office.
On 28 May 2002, NATO and Russia signed an agreement at an
Italian Air-Force base that brought closure to the simmering Cold
War enmities. This was accomplished with a little mutual
understanding that terrorism might be countered, in part, by missile
defence systems and a growing willingness to use tactical nuclear
weapons. The groundwork for this agreement was laid during the
carefully choreographed meetings in Washington and at the Bush
family ranch in Crawford in November 2001 and in Moscow on 24 May
2002.
There was little progress in five years of the Permanent
Joint Council which clearly offered Russia insufficient influence
and status and ended up something of a misnomer. But following
September 11, everything changed, including the imperative to stand
‘shoulder to shoulder’ to combat terrorism – everywhere. Thus,
the NATO-Russian Council came to pass in May 2002 and prepared the
ground for ‘joint action at 20’ (rather than the NATO 19, plus I
formula), unhindered progress on developing missile defence systems
and an understanding that addressing tactical nuclear weapons could
be safely put on the backburner.
The Prague Summit in November focused on enlargement into
eastern Europe, the prosecution of the ‘war on terrorism’ and
how member states could enhance their overall capabilities and
contribution to NATO operations.
Nuclear policy was not discussed and tactical nuclear weapons
(TNWs) in Europe remained the forgotten issue.
A continued adherence to outmoded justifications for the
possession and threatened use of nuclear weapons prevents serious
debate about how to address the proliferation threat that TNWs pose.
Indeed, the Bush Administration recently confirmed that Washington
is prepared to respond to any chemical or biological attack on the
U.S., or its allies, with its own Weapons of Mass Destruction.
Given the current political climate of opposition to
multilateral agreements in the U.S., the absence of any arms
reduction treaties covering TNWS in the arsenals of both Russia and
the United States seem unlikely to be addressed any time soon. Yet
the thousands of TNWs deployed in Russia and the estimated 150-180
TNWs deployed on the territory of some NATO Member States in Europe
must be regarded as attractive targets to terrorist organisations.
Both nations have sent strong messages that their possession adds to
their security when, in fact, the opposite is true, while
opportunities to eliminate them are squandered.
Not surprisingly, nuclear weapons were not on the agenda of
the NATO-Russian Council in Moscow on December 9 either. In a speech
to Russian businessmen, Lord Robertson said that, “You will find
no one in NATO who would advocate putting nuclear weapons into the
new NATO members to defend against some imaginary Russian threat.”
Yes, that may be so, but can we find anyone in
NATO who will advocate a nuclear weapons-free zone in Europe and an
international treaty to eliminate tactical nuclear weapons? The
concept of transformation could then be more accurately applied to
developments within, and just outside, the Alliance.