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BASIC NOTES
1
May 2002
What
Can the UN Do to Combat Biological Weapons?
By
Michael Crowley
Introduction
The
tragic events of 11th September coupled with the subsequent
anthrax attacks and hoaxes have greatly increased global concern over the
risk of biological warfare and particularly bio-terrorism. However, the
international community’s attempts to strengthen the prohibition against
biological weapons (BW) by negotiating a legally binding Protocol to the
1972 Biological and Toxin Weapon Convention (BTWC) foundered when the United
States rejected the draft Protocol text at the July 2001 Ad Hoc Group (AHG)
negotiating meeting. This setback was reinforced and deepened at the
November 2001 BTWC Review Conference when the United States called for the
disbandment of the AHG.
Washington’s
position, taken as a result of its concerns over national security,
corporate intellectual property rights and enforceability, has left a
dangerous gap in the international control regime.
And there is very little realistic hope that the Bush Administration
will reverse its position. It will therefore be at least three years and
possible seven before any US administration will examine seriously the case
for strengthening the BTWC with a legally binding instrument. What might
then be done during these coming years to make BW proliferation and use less
likely? And what role can the United Nations (UN) play in combating BW? In
discussing possible initiatives it will be important to examine areas where
it might be possible to engage the US administration and to build upon,
expand and internationalize those elements of US proposals where this is
appropriate.
Tackling
the BW threat should be a key priority for the UN over the coming years as
the likely consequences of inaction are stark. As the Secretary General Kofi
Annan forcefully told the General Assembly on 1 October 2001 “It is hard
to imagine how the tragedy of 11 September could have been worse. Yet, the
truth is that a single attack involving a nuclear or biological weapon could
have killed millions.”
This
article sets out the case for increasing the role of the UN and its agencies
in BW control, in four specific areas:
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Supporting
the BTWC and enabling state compliance;
-
Criminalizing
breaches of the BW Convention;
-
Disease
surveillance and humanitarian assistance; and
-
Facilitating
verification of compliance.
Supporting
the BTWC and enabling state compliance
The
case for reinforcing the BW Convention by establishing supportive institutions to promote adherence to the BTWC has been raised repeatedly by
States Parties, most recently at the suspended Review Conference of 2001.
The UN and particularly the Department of Disarmament Affairs (DDA) could
well play a key role if such structures came into being.
It
has been envisioned that such institutions [1] would
comprise firstly a representative Committee of Oversight formed from and
mandated by the BTWC Review Conference. This would be supported by
scientific and legal advisory panels and a small, dedicated secretariat
which could well be a specified unit within the DDA. [2]
These
bodies - the committee of oversight, the secretariat and the advisory panels
- would be ‘interim and supportive’ institutions: ‘interim’ because
their initial mandate would run only to 2006, when the Sixth Review
Conference might amend or renew it; and ‘supportive’ because they would
support the effective operation of the Convention on behalf of the States
Parties collectively. They would give the Convention a focal point [3]
and continuity of attention in the five-year intervals between Review
Conferences. Possible roles for the interim Committee of Oversight and
secretariat could include:
-
Overseeing
the effective application of the Convention and in particular following
up the Review Conference Final Declaration and decisions and assisting
States Parties in implementing them;
-
Overseeing
the operation of, and assisting states in complying with, the
politically binding information exchange Confidence Building Measures
(CBMs), first
introduced by the Second BTWC Review Conference in 1987;
-
Facilitating
the dissemination of information such as Review Conference
documentation, lists of State Parties, CBMs, etc; and
-
Promoting
universal adherence to the Convention and facilitating accession of
states that are not yet parties to the Convention.
The
circulation of CBM information could lead to the development of best
practice in, for example, domestic legislation prohibiting BW production and
development. Such convergence would, in turn, facilitate the development of
international controls. Though all the CBMs are politically binding
commitments, they have only been, at best, patchily implemented.
Very few states parties have consistently fulfilled their
requirements [4], even though a simplified reporting
procedure for the CBM program has been in operation since April 1992 and
each Review Conference has called for their adherence. The DDA, which at
present holds copies of all the CBMs submitted by states, is well placed to
act as a facilitator and resource body aiding greater state compliance with
reporting.
Similarly,
despite continued appeals at successive BTWC Review Conferences only 144
countries (roughly 75% of states) are parties to the convention. Of the
non-party states, 18 have signed but have not ratified, whilst a further 30
States never signed at all. While
some States, especially in the Middle East, have been resistant to joining
the BTWC because of regional security concerns, for many others inadequate
resources or political will have been the main stumbling blocks. The path to
ratification or accession could therefore be eased by a helpfully persistent
Oversight Committee and secretariat with requisite legal resources. These
bodies could likewise facilitate and encourage those states still with
official reservations to the Geneva Protocol [5] – such
as retaining a 'right' of retaliatory use of BW – to withdraw them.
Criminalizing
breaches of the BW Convention
In
the run up to the BTWC Review Conference President Bush called on State
Parties to “enact strict national criminal legislation against prohibited
BW activities with strong extradition requirements”.
Although
such national criminalization would be an important development it would not
be enough. For it is doubtful whether all states would enact appropriate
penal legislation, leaving safe havens where BW users could seek sanctuary.
Furthermore there is a danger that disparities in the detail of such
legislation enacted may lead to inconsistencies between national
jurisdictions. What is needed is a universal criminalization of individual
involvement in BW by making such activities international crimes.
A
treaty to create such law has in fact been drafted by the Harvard Sussex
Program, in consultation with an international group of legal authorities [6].
This proposed treaty would make it an offence for any person—including
government officials and leaders, commercial suppliers, weapons experts and
terrorists—to order, direct, or knowingly render substantial assistance in
the development, production, acquisition, or use of biological or chemical
weapons. Any person, regardless of nationality, who commits any of the
prohibited acts anywhere in the world, would face the risk of prosecution or
extradition should that person be found in a state that supports the
proposed convention. Such individuals would be regarded as hostes
humani generis (enemies of all humanity).
The development of
international criminal law to hold individuals responsible would create a
new dimension of constraint against biological weapons. The norm against
using biological agents for hostile purposes would be strengthened,
deterrence of potential offenders, both official and unofficial, would be
enhanced, and international cooperation in suppressing the prohibited
activities would be facilitated.
The
legal organs of the UN would, of course, have a crucial role to play in such
treaty development. It is important therefore that relevant bodies such as
the Sixth Committee of the UN General Assembly, the UN Office of Legal
Affairs and/ or the International Law Commission examine the Harvard Sussex
draft treaty and give consideration to initiating a process to develop a
legal instrument to ensure that breaches of the BTWC by individuals or
groups are treated as an international crime.
Disease
surveillance and humanitarian assistance
Preparing for biological warfare or terrorism has more in common with
confronting the threat of emerging infectious disease than with preparing
for chemical or nuclear attacks.
An
appropriate defense against potential BW attack, whether covert or overt, by
state or non-state actors, must be based on improved health surveillance and
response. The “first responders” for a biological attack would most
likely be doctors, pathologists and other health care workers, and the speed
of a response will depend on their recognition that certain illnesses appear
out of the ordinary. Regardless of whether the origin of a disease outbreak
is intentional (terrorism or warfare), accidental or natural, a public
health response will be necessary to detect and contain in. Moreover such a
capability will benefit the host population whether or not a BW attack ever
occurs.
This
is a crucial area where there is growing consensus among the international
community of the need to act in concert. The United Nations and its specialized
agencies, particularly the World Health Organization (WHO), working together
with the States Parties to the BTWC have a crucial role to play in combating
BW in the context of disease prevention. Whilst some important initiatives
have been undertaken, above all by the WHO [7], the level
of national and international preparedness, coordination and resourcing
could be much improved, specifically in:
-
Development
and coordination of global disease surveillance, awareness and
preventative measures; and
-
Response
to BW attack and provision of humanitarian assistance.
First,
UN agencies have as yet under utilized vital coordination roles in assisting
the States Parties to strengthen national and local programs of surveillance
for infectious diseases and improving early notification, surveillance,
control, protection and response capabilities. Such coordination might
include promoting the exchange of scientists and experts to enhance the
capability of states parties in supporting their disease surveillance
programs and increased operation, coordination and access of existing
databases on infectious disease in states parties.
Second,
UN agencies can play a vital role in responding to biological weapons
attacks. The WHO, for example,
could coordinate rapid provision of medical assistance, while the Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the Office
International des Epizooties [8] (OIE) could provide
assistance if the attack was made on plants (FAO) or animals (FAO and/or OIE), rather than human targets. Furthermore where local resources are
insufficient to cope with the humanitarian aspects of the situation then the
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) could also be
called in.
Facilitating
verification of compliance
The last
critical area where the United Nations has an absolutely central role to
play is in the coordination and expression of mechanisms for ensuring
compliance of the BTWC. The first layer of activity and one that has been
successful in the past is international compliance diplomacy. The UNGA, the
UNSC, and the UN Secretary General have played crucial roles in encouraging
State adherence to the BTWC, the Geneva Protocol and the general norm of BW
prohibition. Where such compliance is in doubt the UN diplomatic corps
headed by the Secretary General has a vital role in establishing how such
concerns should be addressed by the mutual consent of all parties.
However,
there will continue to be cases where such diplomacy fails and where there
is a need for effective investigatory mechanism to determine compliance of
the BTWC and the general prohibition on BWs. This was recently voiced in the
draft Final Declaration of the November 2001 Review Conference which stated:
“The Conference invites states parties to consider the development by all
states parties of a compliance mechanism within the framework of the
Convention to conduct investigations regarding alleged breaches of the
Convention.”
Although
the United States currently rejects further negotiation of a legally binding
BTWC verification Protocol, it did call for the establishment of voluntary
compliance mechanisms as well as a mechanism for international
investigations of suspicious disease outbreaks and/or alleged BW incidents.
Under this proposal parties would be required to accept international
inspectors upon determination by the UN Secretary General that an inspection
should take place.
However,
under Article VI of the BTWC such a mechanism establishing a UN Security
Council investigation system already exists [9] -
although it has never been utilized. Considering the widespread concern that
certain states have undertaken research and development of BW, we must ask
ourselves why Article VI has never been invoked? Why for example did the
United States refuse to invoke Article VI against the six nations it accused
of BW research and development at the BTWC Review Conference? Part of the
reason may lie in the perception that the UN Security Council, and by
extension the office of the Secretary General, are heavily constrained from
acting by geopolitical considerations and the requirement of Security
Council consensus. Similarly, concerns have also been raised in the context
of the operation of United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) – see box.
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Established
in 1991 after the Gulf War with the aim of eliminating Iraq’s WMD and
ballistic missile delivery systems, UNSCOM inspectors uncovered an extensive
Iraqi BW research and development program. UNSCOM succeeded despite
continual and increasing Iraqi obstruction and evasion. It suffered from two
critical weaknesses, however. First, there were questions over its
impartiality, which were raised by Iraq and other states and culminated in
allegations that UNSCOM members had been spying for the United States.
Second, UNSCOM’s mandate and power to act came from the UN Security
Council [UNSC]. In 1991 when world opinion was strongly in support of
eliminating Iraq’s BW potential UNSCOM was strongly supported by the UNSC.
However over the subsequent nine years this unanimity was eroded to the
point where UNSC agreement on action could not be achieved.
In
1999 UNSCOM was disbanded following a period in which Iraq systematically
obstructed UNSCOM inspections and exploited the political disagreements
among the permanent members of the Security Council. At the end of 1999, the
Security Council adopted Resolution 1284 which replaced UNSCOM with the UN
Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC). UNMOVIC has
yet to be allowed into Iraq.
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Unfortunately
the US proposal for a Secretary General investigatory regime is likely to
suffer from the same failings. What is needed is a truly independent
compliance monitoring and verification regime, whether inside the UN system
or one along the lines elaborated in the abandoned Protocol negotiations.
Conclusions
In some future situations the international community may well have to deal
with sustained and deliberate attempts by a State Party to develop and
maintain biological weapons in direct breach of its commitments under the
BTWC. Such a regrettable state of affairs will provide a powerful test both
of the multilateral approach to BW control and the role of the UN within
this system.
Dealing
with such challenges, it will be crucial that the international community
focuses its enforcement efforts through the UN. Despite the difficult
consensus building such an approach would involve, it would ensure the vital
moral and legal legitimacy necessary for prolonged action against another
State Party. As Kofi Annan put it in his Millennium Report, the UN remains
“the
only global institution with the legitimacy and scope that derive from
universal membership”. As such it must remain central to all efforts at
international BW prohibition enforcement.
[1]
See: Nicholas
Sims, ‘Nurturing the BWC: Agenda For The Fifth Review Conference and
Beyond, CBW Conventions Bulletin, no 53, September 2001; Disarmament
Diplomacy, no 58, June 2001; ‘Interim supportive institutions for the
Biological Weapons convention’, paper presented by Nicholas Sims at the
14th workshop of the Pugwash Study Group on the implementation of the
Chemical and Biological Conventions, Geneva, 18 November 2000.
[2]
This was the pattern
envisaged in 1991 when the possibility was first raised, and would follow
the precedent of the practice of the UN Centre for Human Rights (now the
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights) regarding the secretariat
serving the Convention Against Torture and its oversight committee.
[3]
At present there is no focal point for intergovernmental organizations such
as Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) or World
Health Organization (WHO), or for NGOs and the media to deal with, in
relating to the BTWC States Parties as a whole.
[5]
Protocol for the Prohibition
of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of
Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, signed at Geneva on 17 June 1925.
[7]
The
WHO, for example, is trying to improve the situation with initiatives such
as the Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network. Established in April
2000, this network links 72 existing networks around the world, many of
which are equipped to diagnose unusual agents and handle dangerous
pathogens. It aims to link electronically the expertise and skills needed to
keep the international community constantly alert to the threat of outbreaks
and provide it with a rapid response when needed.
[8]
World Organization for Animal Health
[9]
BTWC article VI
1) Any state party to this convention which finds that any other state party
is acting in breach of obligations deriving from the provisions of the
Convention may lodge a complaint with the Security Council of the United
Nations. Such a complaint should include all possible evidence confirming
its validity, as well as a request for its consideration by the Security
Council.
2) Each state party to this
convention undertakes to cooperate in carrying out any investigation which
the Security Council may initiate, in accordance with the provisions of the
Charter of the United Nations, on the basis of the complaint received by the
Council. The Security Council shall inform the States Parties to the
Convention of the results of the investigation.
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